[Draft]
RELIGIOUS MEDIATION OF SOCIO-CULTURAL:
CONCEPTUAL DIFFICULTY OF SECULARISM
In what follows, an attempt is made to highlight
the logical difficulty there is in the ways of formulating the idea of
secularism as a principle of disjunction between the affairs of spiritual and
natural world. Drawing insights from
the historical conditions in which the conceptual formulation and reformulation
of idea of secularism have become a theoretical imperative for the modern
civilizations, an argument is advanced here to show that secularism serves to
provide a different logic of religion itself. Contrary to the understanding of
religionist, anti-religionist, or agnost (irreligionist), secularism seems to
be a disguised logic of theologiocracy
which has been substituted for theocracy with the emergence of liberal
democracy. Theocracy is a system of governance where political decisions are
made to fulfil the divine will represented by a particular religious head.
Whereas, theologiocracy is a process of governance in a society with no
declared state-religion, one or many theologies exert political power in their
favor. The intangible means of
power-holds of theologiocracy seems felt more apparent in controlling the
social affairs and civil politics of faith community than in organizing policy
decisions of the state.
The citizens of modern liberal democracy
wanted a pure humanistic politics of social justice from the part of state
government, devoid of an appeal to any spiritual entity or religious
institution. And the modern religionists wanted a pure spirituality without any
external interference from the side of non-religious agencies. A democratic
secular state wanted to protect both the camps by being a neutral
umpire. However, the world wide experience of the secularist governance
and the civil politics, both in the Capitalist and the Socialist nations, seems
to make us sceptical about the viability and the availability of a spatiality
of non-interference. It is in the context of such a supposed terrain of
functional divide between different partakers in a secularist life situation
that the present paper wants to bring in the question how do we go about the
persisting experience of religious mediation of socio-cultural.
The doctrines and rituals of most of the religions
in the world over seem to be addressed towards certain ultimate divine reality.
The ultimate reality conceived by every religion has a universal appeal and
significance; despite the articulation of each one is found to be in variant
name and form determined by regional cultural specificities. All religious practices are, thus, seen to be
directed towards the establishment of a relationship with the single
transcendental divine reality that could be realized through different
pathways. The universal performativity of religion is apparent, especially in
the case of so-called ‘world-religions’ which are having a
transnational/trans-cultural outreach, instead of being confined to the regions
of inception. Accordingly, the doctrinal or mythical content of every religion,
which is found to be the binding force of its community hold, remains the same
at the national and global areas of reception. Even then, what is supposed to
be the transcendental principle of the universe in a particular faith itself
has often been conceptualized and explained in variant terms contradictory to
its original doctrine. Thus religions get changed when they expand to different
cultures. In both cases of plurality of divinity; within a religion and among
the religions, its potential, mode of actualization, the way of access, etc.
are imagined differently in different cultural/national contexts. This seems to
point to the impossibility of an objective description or understanding of what
aught to be the objective, eternal, or absolute religious reality. Such a
difficulty might be taken to affect the logical consistency required for an
ascription of ‘ultimate’. That means, the phenomenon of spiritual plurality
makes deficient the attribute that is ascribed to the ultimate spiritual
reality.
Does this paradox, the ‘non-objectivity of the
objective’, amount to a logical invalidation of the entire faith practices of
people? This problem is not brought here as an attempt to present the
difficulty of seeking a logical justification for religious beliefs. Rather,
this paper wants to raise the logical difficulty of invoking the idea of
secularism in seeking solution to the problems emerge from the so-called
politicization of religion or religionisation (communalization) of politics.
Fundamentalism, Revivalism, Terrorism, Communalism, etc., are some of the
nagging problems of the contemporary world that have often been attributed to
have caused from the failure of secularism. When the so-called religious,
communal, ethnic, racial, tribal unrest and violence of the present-day are
identified with the collapse of the secularist governmentality, one is bound to
be self-reflective about the potential of secularism itself. An exploration on
the constitutive violence of the conception of secularism per se might stand in
need of the hour. It is to this effect that the present paper wants to bring in
the plurality of transcendental divinity to u understand the logical validity
of a puritan religiosity presupposed by the secularism. Hence, we would argue
that the socio-cultural modulations of the transcendental provide ground for a
logical invalidation of the conception of secularism, rather than for the
dismissal of religiosity as such.
If we go by the conceptual diversity of the
phenomenon of spiritual/religious reality, one has to admit the fact that
religious imaginations are very much intertwined with the socio-cultural
interests of the respective community of people who are bound by the different
conceptions of the ultimate reality. The
cultural traits in the conceptions of transcendent also seem to be accompanied
by certain regimentation of rituals, lifestyle, and other institutional
practices related to beliefs of the followers. As the regimes of esoteric and
institutional practices too are not found to be homogeneous and changeless even
within different sects of a particular religious fold, their justifications are
to be construed as socially and culturally negotiated. This does not mean to
say that what is taken to be the transcendental force that works behind the
cosmic structures does not have any power of its own to influence on human
life. Nor does it say that there is no possible means for human beings to
influence back on such cosmic working or change its cause by establishing a
special relationship with the cosmic forces through psycho-physiological
practices capable of altering the existential/functional modalities.
However, when there is a claim that
particular way of spiritual pursuit is the most authentic means to the
ultimate, and so it is imperative for all to be the followers of that path in
order to have an intimate relationship with the transcendent, it becomes a
matter of ethno-spiritual (ethno-religious) centrism. The process of socio-cultural negotiation
gets involved by the political interests of the concerned. That is, in this
process, there might arise all chances to get creep-in manipulative urges of projecting certain
socio-political interests of believers or faith-communities. This seems to have
caused a terrain of perpetual conflicts over the superiority and authenticity
of spiritual path among different religions in the world. Religious conflicts, both
at inter and intra-religious levels, which are interlinked with the interests
of socio-political domination of each sect, have also been reflected in the
specific ways of perceiving divinity.
Thus, what seems to become a theoretical imperative
here is to demonstrate the factors that trigger
proliferation of different conceptions of the transcendental divinity or cosmic
force. It is also to be accounted why such forces are believed to be capable of
intervening in the affairs of man at a differential proportion in different
context of the community of believers. If contradictory pathways are found to
be capable of bringing effective relationship with the divinity, then the
consequent argument is for the grade and superiority of the divine force, which
in turn set context for the contestation on the liturgical perfection of
different religions.
While the priority basis is purely due to the
internal standards of the faith-community or individual believer, the
superiority claims are due to comparative and relative standards. Relative
merits and demerits seem to be more important for the preference to one faith
or divinity than the consideration that all faiths are equally capable of
rewarding one way or other. Therefore, the phenomenon of religious diversity
has got much to do with the commitments other than simple faith in divinity of
any kind. This seems to underline the socio-cultural modulations of the
divinity, and following the same logic, the religious conflicts or politics are
to be addressed in terms of the extra or non-transcendental structures of
relationships built-in in the faith-matters. In other words, it would amount to say that the
religious diversity and the consequent conflicts no more demand a
transcendental justification of the divinity. Instead of religious wars are
fought in pretext of politics, they are to be fought in terms of political war
as such.
Most often the phenomenon of religious diversity is marked by the expressions of
dissenting voices within the particular religious fold. In a way the
intra-religious plurality is constituted by the prevalence of dissident streams
within. The so-called religious reform movements are also driven by the
spiritual dissents. When certain religious perception and practice get
entangled with the socio-cultural interests of particular section of the faith
community, the conflicts emerge in the form of opposition to the prevailing
interpretation of doctrines and practices. Conflicts are also due to the
different responses to the pressures amounted by socio-cultural changes that
occur in different period of time.
The spirit of modernity has its adumbrations in the
domain of religion. There it is marked by the calls for religion’s need to
become creatively respond to the changing requirements of the time. In many of the nations, the process of
modernizations was very much mediated by the religious reform movements and
their oppositions to the prevailing orthodoxies. Such a religious conflict was
consequent of the onset of the modernization process in the Europe. And it was
in the context of the modernization that the ideology of secularism as a
strategy of separation between the affairs of state (politics) and religion
(spirituality) had originated in the history of European Christianity. Perhaps,
the same kind of religious linkage with the socio-cultural dynamics could have
provided context for the adaptation of secularism in the non-western cultures.
However, it is fact that there exists diversity of secularism among the
different western nations themselves.
The diversity can also be seen in the ways of
adapting secularism to non-western cultures. The conceptual diversity of
secularism seen in the non-western, non-Christian nations has been glaringly in
contrary terms to the western diversity. The conceptual diversity of secularism
has been constituted by the difference in the way each religion has mediated
the socio-cultural affairs in different national and religious contexts. To a
large extent, the conceptual diversity of secularism informs the ambiguity that
prevails in the ways of understanding the nature of separation and relationship
(inter-relationship, inner-relationship, outer-relationship, non-relationship)
between the aspects of sacrality and sociality. The ambiguity of secularism seems to be an
outcome of the failure to acknowledge the ways they do stand in relations to
each other. Most often their interfacing of each other appears to
inter-constitutive, and hence becomes inconceivable for a logical disjunction.
An analysis in this direction requires seeing the way in which the conception of
secularism stands open to the religious diversity and the conflicts, and also
how it is tuned to address the conundrum of religious politics embedded
therein. If the phenomenon of religious diversity poses logical difficulty for
a transcendental justification of religious reality, would it be taken to
provide sufficient historical (socio-cultural) ground for atheism? Since a
socio-cultural justification of god or religion hardly becomes a concern of
atheism, the answer would be a sceptical ‘No’. It seems atheism cannot
entertain an argument that even though there does not exist an entity called
god, the belief in god is a reality that cannot be dismissed as such. It is
also doubtful whether atheism could afford a psycho-behavioural defence of
religious belief, because science has advanced more efficient methods for
treating mental stress.
If not for atheistic eliminativism, can the same
logical difficulty posed by the religious diversity for a transcendental
justification of religious reality, be taken to provide argument for secularist
separation of religion from the state? Is it an argument that since the
religious diversity disproves the possibility of the existence of a universal
transcendental divinity religion should not be allowed to intervene in the
affairs of democratic governance? Is it due the incapability of the supposed
divine to intervening in the affairs of man in any equity basis that secularism
finds religion to be incompetent the democracy, which is committed to the
principle of egalitarianism? Does this argument share anything with the
atheistic argument for totalitarian elimination of religion as such? That is,
is it an argument that since religious pluralism contradicts the objectivity of
the transcendental divinity, religion should be undermined by the modern state
as a rational agency for the welfare of people? To which one of the above
arguments, secularism as an ideology of modern liberal democracy would likely
to stands closer?
The original intent of the conception of secularism
was to check the undue authority that the Christian priesthood (clerics)
exerted upon the non-ecclesiastic affairs of the people until the emergence of
modernity in the European civilization. Thus, in the beginning, secularism had
the assumption that the affairs of the public life and religious beliefs were
governed by distinguishably different set of rules and forces. Such a thought was constitutive of the modern
scientific reasoning that became a challenge to the very credibility of
religious faith. Consequently, the King/ruler had to seek new source of
justification of political power and authority in the society. As religion’s
supposedly totalitarian claim over the societal affairs of people became
unwarranted, a shift in strategic management of political power had become a
necessity. Thus the idea of secularism was drawn in order to strike a balance
in the domain-control of the affairs of religion and state. In other words, the
conceptual devise like secularism had to be brought in for negotiating the
emerging crisis of power. Though such a justification crisis had been a
situation confronted by the emerging liberal democratic nation state in Europe,
the solution sought in the way of secularism seems to be theocratic in its
core. However, there seems to remain
a question un-posed in most of the secularism discourses: whose logic exactly
is this ideology of secularism? In other way, did secularism emerge as an answer for the crisis of power
faced by democracy or theocracy, or by both?
The lack of clarity in this regard seems to create
tremendous confusion in the debates related to the interface between faith and
socio-cultural affairs. There is a wide spectrum of people for whom the debate
on the nature of their interface becomes crucial, such as religionists,
politicians, scientists, and for many other theoretical and practical mangers
of the societal crises that are consequential of the religious-political
encounter. As per the track records of
the secularism debate so far, it has often been represented as a sheer
modernist ideology. The historical process of societal modernization is very
much linked with the process of secularization. Thus, secularism is taken to be
the underlying spirit of modern political ideologies such as liberal democracy,
socialism, and scientific communism. Hence what is taken to be very crucial for
them seems nothing but a radical rupture from the linkages of religion.
Contrary to such a received perception of secularism, we require to explore the
extent to which it becomes logic of religion itself. Accordingly there might
require a reversal of the order of positing secularism in disjunction/contrast
to religion, if not opposition in entirety.
The historical social context in which the
conception of secularism was developed in the Europe had been characterized by
the pervasive political authority of religious priesthood for which everything
that did not ratify the divine right of the ruler construed to be heresy and attracted
inquisition. It was of a context of theologic-political terrorism whereby all
those non-religious affairs of life had to be subjugated to the divinized
political dictatorship. Consequently, a reversal of the order of relationship
between religion and state was necessitated in terms of a flimsy ground of
non-interference and separation. The spirit of Modernism and Enlightenment has
been the rationalization of the entire realm of life in Europe, including
religious. The primacy of the state in the matters of socio-political affairs
and the primacy of the church in the ecclesiastic affairs has been the accepted
principle of separation. Naturally, religion had to be pushed back from its
public command. Thus the secularism was rather
projected as a modern socio-political ideology with a moral hinge on allowing a
workable mutual distancing of the both domains of life.
Though the projected image of secularism has been
based on the assumption that the affairs of public life and religious beliefs
are distinctly different from each other, the praxiological analysis of the
history of secularism would be suggesting a different picture altogether,
especially in the case of its adaptations in the non-western cultures. Despite
the functional differentiation of religion and politics being the corner stone
of the secularist state policies and everyday social life of the people in the
western liberal democracy and the modern civilization, the inter-linkage
between them seems to have continued to be so strong and pervasive. If the
politics of religion and spirituality continued to be ubiquitous what would be
the conceptual tenability of secularism as an ideology of functional
differentiation between religion and politics
Secularism: the Logic of Religion
An argument for the separation of something that is
inseparable seems to be unintelligible, and theoretically and politically
coercive. The subtlety of religion in the politics and politics in the religion
is a socio-cultural reality that cannot be theoretically wished away and
logically disproved. The difficulty of objective validation of the
transcendental might be taken to provide a logical ground for the arguments of
atheism as well as secularism (in its original western sense). Though atheism
and secularism are different arguments altogether, they are often messed up to
be the same. Even though secularism is
distinguished from atheism, for its indifference to the question of existence
of god, it cannot validate its logic of separation of the affairs of religion
and state while considering the fact that religious faiths are not mere faiths
in the transcendental divinity but they often mediate socio-cultural wishes and
aspirations of the believers. That way, religious diversity might be rather useful for seeking a
socio-cultural justification of religion, instead of seeking proof for
nonexistence of the transcendental.
An analysis of the difficulty of secularism
in view of the religious mediation of socio-cultural assumes more significance
in the context of the extended sense in which the conception of secularism has
its reception in different conceptual and cultural contexts. It seems to be
relevant if something could be drawn from the conceptual proliferation of
secularism itself to understand the process of religious mediation of the
socio-cultural. In the west and for the
modernists, secularism seems to be a euphemism for atheism, theoretically,
though, it meant for the domain separation between church and state, to
preclude the primacy of one over the other. In the west itself, for the
religionists, it appears to be a jargon of tolerance, for disguising the
western penchant for intolerance towards non-western ethnic cultures and
religious minorities, as well as a strategy for the indirect retention of
theocracy over the democracy.
The paradox of secularism appears to be very much a
farce in its caricature in the non-western adaptations. In the case of the
so-called ‘Indian-secularism’, it has two versions; the official version of
‘equi-tolerance’ of all religions, instead of equidistance, and the
non-official version of minoritarian and atheistic progressivism towards the
majoritarian fundamentalism and cultural nationalism. The process of
socio-cultural modulation seems to have an equal force on the conceptualization
of secularism, in its western and non-western versions.
The conceptual diversity of secularism also becomes
apparent in the mode of overstretching from its narrow range of signification
to the governance of the affairs of church and state. Besides being a policy
matter concerning the relationship between state and religion, the concept
secularism has been overstretched to the matters related to civil culture and
ethical considerations. Here secularism becomes a value pertaining to social
and interpersonal relationship. Instead of the principle of separation being
construed to the relationship between state and religion, it has been taken as
a principle to be maintained in the relationship between religion and the wider
areas of political, social and cultural affairs. Again, secularism seems to
have assumed signification of a neutral conceptual framework for describing
what can be termed as ‘irreligious way of living’ or ‘irreligious
culture.’ Irreligiosity might signify an
attitude of indifference to both the secularist privatization of belief as well
as the atheistic refutation of religion (non-religiosity). Even then, it seems
to share an assumption on the redundancy of religion, and visualize the
possibility of a cosmopolitan culture (perhaps a cosmopolitan religion itself)
where marks of any ethno-culture (ethno-religious) become irrelevant. Negatively speaking, irreligiosity might presume
that a socio-cultural living unmediated by religion is plausible.
Another way in which the conception of secularism
has been proliferated can be seen in the explicit coalescing of the concepts
‘religion’ and ‘secular’. Thus we have characterizations such as ‘secular
religion’, ‘religious secularism’, ‘secular Christianity’, ‘secular god’,
‘secular temple’, and ‘theistic secularism’. They may look strange because of
the logical opposition of the categories of religion and secular. Such a mixing
of religion and secular, including other ways of conceptual overstretching of secularism,
seems to be a pointer to the fact that there are logical correlations between
religion and secularism.
If we go by the differences in the conception of
secularism as they have been revealed so far, they can be classified on the
basis of following points: 1. as a policy of mutual separation between state
and religion, 2. separation between politics and religion, 3. separation
between socio-cultural life and religion, 4. as atheistic principle of
opposition between religion and public affairs, 5. as the irreligiosity
principle of indifference to religion, 6. as the principle of equal treatment
of all religions, 7. as the principle of secular religion.
Taking cue from the conceptual plurality of
secularism, there is enough reason to presume that the distinction between
religion and secular to be frivolous. The origin of secularism as a strategic
of logic for the functional division of state and church was conditioned by the
emerging liberal democracy in Europe. As far as the democracy was concerned,
social superstructure had to provide an atmosphere conducive for capital
accumulation. The industrialization was facilitated by the advancement of
science and technology. Theocracy and religious faiths were challenged
consequently of the growing scientific temperament and rational thinking in the
society. Following the emergence of popular consciousness Theocracy had to give
way for democratic process of modernity. Simultaneously, reformation movement
was also emerging within the religious block seeking a rigorous adherence to
the scriptural doctrines, as against the ecclesiastic hierarchy and its
affiliations with the worldly matters. That way reformation was an expression of modernization within the
religion.
A call for the detachment with the non-spiritual
affiliations of the church was none other than a call for secularism. As the
democracy was based on the liberal thought, whose interest was to perpetuate a
state of competitive freedom of all agents, it was bound to accord due
recognition of the freedom for religious faith. Thus secularism seems to be
providing a convenient logic of domain delimitation for both liberal democracy
and theocracy. Of course, Theocracy had to do away with the formal and direct
control of political power. Nevertheless, theocracy seems to have continued to
persist in the guise of secularism, underlining the fact that the
secular-religious distinction has been a matter of formal reasoning.
It is a fact that, formally, the Christian
theocracy ended with the onset of nation state system of governance based on
the principles of liberal democracy in Europe. However, it was not meant
de-linkage of religion from the state and civil politics as such, by confining
itself to the services concerning the spiritual progress of community of
believers. If we go by the praxiological history of secularism, the story is
other way around. Secularism has become more and more acceptable for other
theocratic states. Many non-European nations did not have any hesitation to
declare particular religion as state-religion and promulgate secular laws on
par with theological doctrines. More than being a matter of state politics,
theocracy seems to have redefined itself as an invisible force in control of
state as well as the every-day politics. The transformation of theocracy can be
more appropriately characterized as theologiocracy.
Secularism appears to be a matter of
civilization-pride for theologiocracy, and so it seems to have become
inconceivable for making its presence public unless in the guise of secularism.
It might be harsh if we put secularism as disguised theologiocracy. Even if secularism is understood to be in its
established way; as the logic of liberal democracy, it does not preclude a
persistent rein of theocracy, at lest in the form of theologiocracy. Democratic
secularism or secularist democracy is to be seen as theocracy in disguise
(theologiocracy), or at the minimum, as a continuum of theocracy. The
continuity lies in bringing a characteristic difference in the ways in which religion
is continued to function; that is, in such way to retain its hold on the
affairs of society, including the state power. The post-theological religion seems to have become
a mediatory force that is capable of shaping the socio-cultural.
In the case of post-theological religion, more
weight goes to the considerations of non-ecclesiastic matters. Consequently
there is lesser emphasis on the formal rules and ritual rigor that maintain the
authority of spiritual symbolism of theocracy. Theological liberalism or
liberal theology (including liberation theology) underlines a spiritual
liberation that could be conditioned by socio-political freedom that ensures an
all-round wellbeing of people in their worldly life itself. Such an explicit
socio-cultural orientation of religion seems to nullify any argument for
religious/spiritual puritanism which would go by a sharp distinction between
sacred and secular. The world-orientation of
theology thus marks the difficulty of conceiving a transcendental divinity detached
from the socio-cultural immanency of life. However, the world-relatedness of
religion is characteristically different from the direct and rigid linkage
existed between the religious symbolism and the theologico-political authority
in a theocratic state. Hence, the post-theocratic (post- theological) theology
or religion has definite liberal and inclusive, sometimes even politically
radical and secular progressive, façades. The theologiocracy of the
post-theological religion, thus, has a broader range of world orientation than
the narrow range it had in the state-centric theocracy. The non-theocratic
façade of post-theological religion does not make it a non-theological religion
as such. This will be the case with what is said to be the theologiocratic religions
with liberal democratic and secular progressive façades. In the case of
non-theological religion, the competitive urge for the control of
socio-cultural is found relatively minimal, and substantively non-coercive and
creative. Here, the demarcations of
theological religion, theocratic religion, theologiocratic religion, and
non-theological religion assume very significant.
Apparently, the shift from theocracy to secularism
is characterized by withdrawal to the so-called private sphere of belief of
religious practitioners. However, when the very private domain has been
organized to be the source basis of what is happing at the public, religious operations are getting remodeled on
the line of pragmatic considerations of the changing world. Citizens are more
or less religious subjects in the liberal democracy, and so voice of citizen is
likely to be the voice of religion. Thus, the democratic process of governance
of socio-cultural can be intertwined with the theological process of spiritual
service of individual members of religious communities. The theological control of socio-cultural that
takes place in secular democracy can also be characterized as theocracy
popularized in contrast to the ecclesiastic elitism in the theocratic state per
se.
In a theocracy, particular religion has the status
of official/state religion whose behalf political decisions and laws are made.
As the political decisions are required to confirm with theological doctrines
established by the spiritual head, the state is considered to be an instrument
for the realization of divine will. Whereas in a democracy or in any
non-theocratic society, in the absence of direct control of particular religion
over state, different religions are seen spreading their competitive tentacles
to have their own hold over the public spheres. They tend to operate in such
way to reinforce theological structures whenever the balance of power in
society stands in need of their favour. Theology has, thus, become a via media
through which the competitive strength of religious communities is displayed.
That way, each religion or theology is seen providing hopes in the relative
superiority/merit of the respective faith community, and turns the community
into a stature of pressure group. This seems to be a moment in which theology
gets transformed into a popular participatory mode in the process of making
state as the decision body at the behest of spiritual doctrine, if not
spiritual head. So long as democracy is being a formal process of finding
political authority on the basis of majoritarian consensus, theologies play a
major role in socialization process and construct consciousness in favour of
its bargaining point.
Close on heals of argument in defence of the
distinction between religion and democracy as implied by the distinction of
sacred and secular, there goes another popular view that secularism undermines
religion as it has been an outcome of science. As in the case of democracy,
religious domain is insulated from the science due to its matters are taken to
be pertaining to the maintenance of proper relationship with the other-worldly
or superior cosmic forces that influence this-worldly affairs. The
intermingling of religion and the worldly life seems to have taken to be a
stigma from the both sides of religion as well as science. For many
religionists; for puritans, fundamentalists, and reformists, the indulgence in
the worldly affairs amounts to irreligiosity since the proper religiosity
demands an indifference to the mundane concerns. Whereas, for science-ists, since the
so-called supra-natural forces cannot find any solution to the problems of the
world or society, faith should be kept at aloof from all the level possible.
However, for most of the religions are concerned, the separation of sacred and
world is not at all a conceivable problem.
As far as the secularism is concerned, both
religion and science are to be allowed to operate in their respective areas,
and the cross border interventions are unwelcome. However, it is in relation to
the scientific rationality that the ideology of secularism is often being
identified and associated with. In this way, secularism would appear to be a
problem stemmed from the hull of science. But the matter seems to have a
different dimension altogether. Perhaps, the whole lot of problems may be
viewed as resulted from the ways of conceiving what is termed to be ‘religion’.
If secularism is conceived in relation to a particular way of looking at what
is called as ‘religion’, its problem of intermingling of religion and world
would definitely require to be sorted out in relation to the problem of
conception of religion as such. A convenient point of demarcation might be
taken up in relation to the ways of conceiving the nature of sacred or
divinity. The crucial question seems to be; is it that the entity called ‘god’
(its various provenances) that matter in all religions? Does theology form a
constitutive feature of every religion at all?
In the primordial societies, the ritual or belief practices had constituted
community structures, though what we call nowadays as ‘animistic religion’ did
not have a transcendental notion of ‘god’; a notion of super-natural power
which is capable of promising other-worldly redemption. The primordial
ritual-symbolism had definite purpose of organizing the relationship between
man and his environment that made everyday survival possible. Ritual practices
embodied the principles of well-being and social cohesion. Ritualism has been
characterized by the sanctification of worldly life, and it does not inform any
anthropomorphic sense of god and a path way towards its kingdom. There had also
non-theistic or godless religion. Even today, there are many tribal and civil
communities/nations in the world that continue to retain the practices that
that do not conform to the dominant conception of religion originated in the
Judo-Christian theological tradition. Obviously, they lacked the features that
typify what is taken to be sacred by the standardized conceptions of
religiosity. Despite many historical pressures for theologizing many
cultural-ritual and belief practices, there are many religions with worldly
orientations. As the primordial religions
were very much worldly integrated, as necessitated by pre-societal, pre-state
cultures, a modern western secularist call for sacred/world separation did not
have uniform takers in other cultures. Therefore, an explanation of the
socio-cultural mediation of religion would involve an explanation of beliefs
and practices which inform the intermingling of religion and worldly
life.
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